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Word Order in English and Spanish from a Typological Perspective Anna Siewierska & Dik Word Order in English and Spanish from a Typological Perspective Anna Siewierska & Dik Bakker (Lancaster University) Word Order & Information Structure 1

Word Order & Typology • • • Word order lies at the heart of Word Order & Typology • • • Word order lies at the heart of typological investigations Greenberg (1963) “Some universals of grammar with particular reference to the order of meaningful elements” The first universals related to basic word order of the subject, object and verb in declarative clauses and • • • the existence of correlating word order patterns at the phrase level the existence of correlating patterns in non declaratives the presence of inflectional categories Word Order & Information Structure 2

Word order & Spanish & English • • Both are SVO languages Interesting differences Word order & Spanish & English • • Both are SVO languages Interesting differences under closer inspection • • • Frequency of SVO order Frequency of SV Use of alternative orders Word Order & Information Structure 3

SVO order in English • Not necessarily the most frequent order • • Intransitive SVO order in English • Not necessarily the most frequent order • • Intransitive clauses may be more frequent than transitive The most frequent order in transitive clauses • • • OSV the only alternative Frequency of OSV 1% SVO 99% of transitive clauses Word Order & Information Structure 4

SVO order in Spanish • Not necessarily the most frequent order in transitive clauses SVO order in Spanish • Not necessarily the most frequent order in transitive clauses • • • Subjects need not be overt Objects if pronominal are typically clitics, proclitics or enclitics Three alternatives to SVO • OVS, VOS, VSO Word Order & Information Structure 5

OVS O V S Buen descanso ganó su pobre marido good rest earned her OVS O V S Buen descanso ganó su pobre marido good rest earned her poor husband Word Order & Information Structure 6

VOS V O S Llena los vasos Don Latino fills the glasses Don Latino VOS V O S Llena los vasos Don Latino fills the glasses Don Latino Word Order & Information Structure 7

VSO V Vestía S O la novia un traje blanco, was wearing the bride VSO V Vestía S O la novia un traje blanco, was wearing the bride a suit white diseñado, por … designed by Word Order & Information Structure 8

Basic nature of SVO • • The most frequent order in transitive clauses in Basic nature of SVO • • The most frequent order in transitive clauses in which the subject and object are overt and lexical Actual frequency of SVO • • Text type Variety of Spanish Word Order & Information Structure 9

Statistical data • Clements (2006: 119) • • García Miguel (1995) two NPs • Statistical data • Clements (2006: 119) • • García Miguel (1995) two NPs • • VO 97% , SV 78% Silva Corvalán (1983) & Ocampo (1995: 428) Rioplatenese Spanish conversation • • SVO 90 95% in narratives VO with lexical O 93% of transitive clauses Pinedo (1997) contemporary written Madrid Spanish • • OV with lexical O 17% of transitive VS clauses VOS (21%) and VSO (47%) are more common than OVS Word Order & Information Structure 10

Some comparative data • • • SVO in Transitive with 2 NPS Russian 60% Some comparative data • • • SVO in Transitive with 2 NPS Russian 60% Czech 63% Hungarian 71% Polish 73% Finnish 78% Greek 81% Spanish 85% English 99% Word Order & Information Structure All Clauses 8% 20% 6% 11

Intransitive order • • • SVO SV English complies with some exceptions Spanish does Intransitive order • • • SVO SV English complies with some exceptions Spanish does not comply fully • SV vs. VS • • • Castilian conyemporary 47% vs. 54% Cervantese 47% vs. 53% Rioplatanese Spanish 38% vs. 62% Word Order & Information Structure 12

Transitive & intransitive order • • Transitive Hung SV= 96% VS= 3% Polish SV= Transitive & intransitive order • • Transitive Hung SV= 96% VS= 3% Polish SV= 76% VS= 24% Greek SV= 83% VS= 17% Spanish SV= 78% VS= 22% Intransitive SV = 89% VS= 11% SV= 68% VS= 32% SV = 50% VS = 50% SV = 47% VS = 53% Word Order & Information Structure 13

VO vs. OV • English • • Spanish • • VO vs. OV; 99% VO vs. OV • English • • Spanish • • VO vs. OV; 99% vs. 1% VO vs. OV 93% 97% vs. 7% 3% Polish • VO vs. OV 82% vs. 18% Word Order & Information Structure 14

VO vs. OV • Russian • Written • • • SV = 70% vs. VO vs. OV • Russian • Written • • • SV = 70% vs. VS 30% OV =10% vs. VO 90% Spoken • • SV = 90% vs. VS 10% OV =50% vs. VO 50% Word Order & Information Structure 15

An alternative classification • • English: Strongly SV & VO Spanish: Strongly VO (be An alternative classification • • English: Strongly SV & VO Spanish: Strongly VO (be it less strongly than English) but SV/VS Polish flexible SV & VO Russian SV & VO/OV Word Order & Information Structure 16

Why? • What are the differences in word order variation due to? • • Why? • What are the differences in word order variation due to? • • • Between Spanish and English In SVO languages In languages in general Word Order & Information Structure 17

WO variation & morphological marking • Word order variation in transitive clauses • Morphological WO variation & morphological marking • Word order variation in transitive clauses • Morphological marking • • Case marking Agreement marking Word Order & Information Structure 18

WO variation & case • Case marking allows the subject and object to be WO variation & case • Case marking allows the subject and object to be distinguished from each other without relying on word order to do so • • Rigid word order of English is typically attributed to the disappearance of case Old English had case marking and exhibited greater word order flexibility: SVO, SOV, OSV, OVS, VSO (rare) Word Order & Information Structure 19

Old English: SOV S O V ic Þæs næfre ne sceamige I: nom this: Old English: SOV S O V ic Þæs næfre ne sceamige I: nom this: gen never not shame: 1 sg `I am never ashamed of that. ’ Word Order & Information Structure 20

Old English: OVS O V S Tyn beboda awrat se ælmihtiga Ten commandments wote Old English: OVS O V S Tyn beboda awrat se ælmihtiga Ten commandments wote the almighty on đæm twam tabelum on the two tablets `The almighty wrote ten commandments on the two tablets. ’ (p. 42) Word Order & Information Structure 21

Old English: VSO V S O Secgađ eac ure bec Þæt we sceolon Say Old English: VSO V S O Secgađ eac ure bec Þæt we sceolon Say pl also our books that we shall đas feowertyne niht mid micelre these fourteen nights with great geornfulnysse healdan earnestness hold `Our books also say that we should hold these fourteen days with great earnestness. ’ Word Order & Information Structure 22

Current English & Spanish • Differ with regard to case • • English: no Current English & Spanish • Differ with regard to case • • English: no case marking with non pronominal NPs Spanish: has case marking with non pronominal definite, animate objects by means of “a” Word Order & Information Structure 23

Word order variation: Siewierska (1997) • Measuring w/o variation: number of permutations of S, Word order variation: Siewierska (1997) • Measuring w/o variation: number of permutations of S, O & V • • • rigid no variants restricted one variant variable two variants flexible three variants highly flexible four + English Icelandic Spanish Polish Word Order & Information Structure 24

WO & case • Languages which lack case marking favour rigid (36%) and restricted WO & case • Languages which lack case marking favour rigid (36%) and restricted order (33%) = 69% Word Order & Information Structure 25

Case relative to wo variation Word Order & Information Structure 26 Case relative to wo variation Word Order & Information Structure 26

WO & case • The level of case marking increases from 24% in rigid WO & case • The level of case marking increases from 24% in rigid languages to 79% in highly flexible ones Word Order & Information Structure 27

Wo variation relative to case Word Order & Information Structure 28 Wo variation relative to case Word Order & Information Structure 28

Flexibility, marking & wo type • Word order variation is more sensitive to case Flexibility, marking & wo type • Word order variation is more sensitive to case marking in SVO than in SOV • • • 57% of the rigid SOV, 88% of rigid SVO & 100% of rigid VSO/VOS lack case marking 5% of the highly flexible SOV, 28% of the SVO & 8% of the VSO/VOS have case marking SVO languages without case tend not to have SOV Word Order & Information Structure 29

WO variation & agreement • • Agreement marking helps to distinguish the subject from WO variation & agreement • • Agreement marking helps to distinguish the subject from the object if the two differ in person, number or gender. If a language has subject agreement only, whichever NP displays agreement is the subject • • • saw 3 sg the children Mary saw 3 sg Mary I the children saw 3 sg Mary Word Order & Information Structure 30

WO variation & agreement • Agreement is cross linguistically much more common than case WO variation & agreement • Agreement is cross linguistically much more common than case marking • • • 75 80% of languages have agreement 45 50% of languages have case marking Spanish & English differ in regard to agreement; Spanish has agreement, English only vestiges Word Order & Information Structure 31

WO variation & agreement Word Order & Information Structure 32 WO variation & agreement Word Order & Information Structure 32

Agreement vs. wo variation Word Order & Information Structure 33 Agreement vs. wo variation Word Order & Information Structure 33

WO variation & agreement marking • • Absence of agreement is a good predictor WO variation & agreement marking • • Absence of agreement is a good predictor of lack of word order variation, but presence of agreement is not a good predictor of flexible order (Siewierska 1997: . 507) The greatest sensitivity to the presence of agreement marking is exhibited by SVO languages Rigid SVO are much less likely to have agreement than rigid SOV or V 1 Flexible SVO are more likely to have agreement than flexible SOV or V 1 Word Order & Information Structure 34

SVO, Agr & variation • • No SVO language in the sample without agreement SVO, Agr & variation • • No SVO language in the sample without agreement has either OVS or VOS Only two of the SVO without agreement have VSO, Gude and Coptic, Gude (aspect), Coptic a descendent of VSO The most likely variant in SVO without agreement is OSV Postverbal placement of transitive S in SVO seems to depend on agreement Word Order & Information Structure 35

Spanish & English • • Absence of word order variants other than OSV in Spanish & English • • Absence of word order variants other than OSV in English, no case marking or agreement marking Spanish • • • Presence of OVS, VOS & VSO: associated with agreement marking Absence of SOV: restricted case marking ? no OSV Word Order & Information Structure 36

Exercise • • OSV in English What are the semantic characteristics of the subject Exercise • • OSV in English What are the semantic characteristics of the subject and object, definiteness, animacy, person? Word Order & Information Structure 37

Back to basic order • • • Correlations between the basic order in the Back to basic order • • • Correlations between the basic order in the clause and the phrase The clause: VO vs. OV The phrase: • • • Type of adpositions The placement of the inflected auxiliary relative to the verb Order within the NP Word Order & Information Structure 38

Consistent ordering • A Consistent language is one in which all head modifier pairs Consistent ordering • A Consistent language is one in which all head modifier pairs comply with either • • • head > modifier > head English & Spanish SVO > HM Expectation Head Modifier verb object PPs adposition NP VC auxiliary verb Confirmed Word Order & Information Structure 39

In the NP • Initial expectation also HM Head Modifier noun article noun demonstrative In the NP • Initial expectation also HM Head Modifier noun article noun demonstrative noun adjective noun numeral noun quantifier noun pronominal possessor noun genitive noun relative clause Word Order & Information Structure 40

Revising the expectations • • Dryer (1992); contrary to what Greenberg suggested not all Revising the expectations • • Dryer (1992); contrary to what Greenberg suggested not all head/modifier pairs correlate with VO vs. OV Only those do where H is a non phrasal (lexical category) and M is a phrasal category (branching category) • • Branching categories: V & NP, V & PP, P & NP; N & Gen; N & Adj. P; N & Rel Cl Non branching: N & Art, N & Dem, Noun & Num, N&Q Word Order & Information Structure 41

The Branching Direction Theory • Languages tend to be either right branching (VO) in The Branching Direction Theory • Languages tend to be either right branching (VO) in which phrasal categories follow non phrasal categories or left branching (OV) in which phrasal categories precede non phrasal categories Word Order & Information Structure 42

head & modifier in the NP Modifier article demonstr adjective numeral quantifier genitive Pro head & modifier in the NP Modifier article demonstr adjective numeral quantifier genitive Pro genitive NP rel clause Head noun noun E MH MH MH M/HM HM Word Order & Information Structure S MH MH/M M/HM MH/M HM HM 43

Consistency within the NP • • English at the NP level is predominantly MH Consistency within the NP • • English at the NP level is predominantly MH not HM Spanish is more HM Word Order & Information Structure 44

In the European context • Distribution of languages in Europe in terms of consistent In the European context • Distribution of languages in Europe in terms of consistent HM vs. MH NP • Head > Modifier • Celtic < Albanian, Romance < Greek, Slavic < Germanic < Baltic, Finnic Modifier > Head Word Order & Information Structure 45

Away from Eurasian OV • The Celtic are VSO and the Finnic have fairly Away from Eurasian OV • The Celtic are VSO and the Finnic have fairly recently undergone a change from SOV to SVO order Word Order & Information Structure 46

VSO, SVO & SOV Word Order & Information Structure 47 VSO, SVO & SOV Word Order & Information Structure 47

Away from Eurasian OV • The increase in HM order as we proceed from Away from Eurasian OV • The increase in HM order as we proceed from east to west may be attributed to the geographical and chronological distance from the MH type predominant in Eurasia Word Order & Information Structure 48

The VO lgs. of Europe • • Increase in HM features from east to The VO lgs. of Europe • • Increase in HM features from east to west Num < Dem< Adj < Gen < Rel • • • Num. N = all VO lgs (not yet) NDem = Celtic NAdj = Celtic, Albanian, Romance (and also Maltese and Assyrian) NG = Celtic, Romance, Albanian, Maltese, Assyrian, Greek, Germanic and Slavic NRel = all VO lgs Word Order & Information Structure 49

Variation within the NP • • Which modifiers exhibit alternative placement possibilities relative to Variation within the NP • • Which modifiers exhibit alternative placement possibilities relative to the head In the languages of Europe (Bakker & Siewierska 1997) Word Order & Information Structure 50

Decreasing likelihood of variation • • A hierarchy of decreasing likelihood of exhibiting an Decreasing likelihood of variation • • A hierarchy of decreasing likelihood of exhibiting an alternative order to that of the basic order adjective > genitive > relative clause > numeral > demonstrative • • • Adj. N/NAdj = in just over half of the lgs. of Europe GN/NG = in a little over a third Rel. N/NRel = in a little over a quarter Num. N/NNUm = in about a fifth Dem. N/NDem = in only 13% Word Order & Information Structure 51

Away from Eurasian OV: Adj • The further removed a language is from this Away from Eurasian OV: Adj • The further removed a language is from this Eurasian OV type the less relics of this type and more deviation in the direction of VO order it should display. • • Celtic = strongly NAdj (Adj. N only with semi compounds) Germanic, Baltic and Finnic = strongly Adj. N middle = more readily NAdj > Adj. N (Albanian, Maltese, Romance) or Adj. N > NAdj (Greek and Slavic) order. The possibilities of the use of Adj. N order decrease with the distance from the Eurasian OV type Word Order & Information Structure 52

Away from Eurasian OV: Gen • The alternative orders of the genitive pattern in Away from Eurasian OV: Gen • The alternative orders of the genitive pattern in a similar way. • • Celtic, Albanian and Romance = only NG Greek and Slavic allow GN under various circumstances Germanic and Baltic GN languages have NG Finnic = the majority strictly GN. Word Order & Information Structure 53

Away from Eurasian OV: Rel • Only the Finnic languages have a regular Rel. Away from Eurasian OV: Rel • Only the Finnic languages have a regular Rel. N alternative to the basic NRel, a clear relic of their relatively recent OV past. Word Order & Information Structure 54

Variation in English & Spanish NPs • English: • • GN vs. NG Spanish: Variation in English & Spanish NPs • English: • • GN vs. NG Spanish: • NAdj vs. Adj. N Word Order & Information Structure 55

GN vs. NG in English • • • Old English GN (s genitive) with GN vs. NG in English • • • Old English GN (s genitive) with rare instances of NG (of phrase) By Middle English NG (of phrase) well established Recently a resurgence of GN (s genitive) Word Order & Information Structure 56

GN vs. NG • The choice between the s genitive and the of phrase GN vs. NG • The choice between the s genitive and the of phrase has been seen to be determined by factors such as • • animacy of possessor, thematic status, information status, final sibilant on the possessor, end weight, persistence (i. e. repetition) and the ‘nouniness’ of the text/passage register Word Order & Information Structure 57

Register • • • NG is more common than GN in all registers News Register • • • NG is more common than GN in all registers News has by far the highest frequency of GN Academic prose has by far the highest frequency of NG Word Order & Information Structure 58

GN vs. NG • Animacy of possessor • • Definiteness of possessed • • GN vs. NG • Animacy of possessor • • Definiteness of possessed • • • John’s leg the leg of the chair ? the chair’s leg a book of John’s *the book of John’s Length of possessor • • the trustee’s appointment the recent appointment of a part time woman and two men Word Order & Information Structure 59

Increase of GN with inanimates • Jespersen(1909 49: VII, 327 f. ) • • Increase of GN with inanimates • Jespersen(1909 49: VII, 327 f. ) • • Greater increase in American (41%) than in British English (25%) • • • the sea’s rage, the rapidity of the heart’s action, or the room’s atmosphere. British English: LOB vs. F LOB American English: Brown vs. Frown Greatest increases in Press and Learned subcorpora, showing remarkable rises of 57% and 88% in Am. E and 35% and 34% in Br. E respectively Word Order & Information Structure 60

S genitive vs. of genitive & length • • the lecturer's name the lecturer S genitive vs. of genitive & length • • the lecturer's name the lecturer who stammer's name the name of the lecturer who stammers Biber et al (1999); proportional use of s gentive and of phrase of different lengths, for selected head nouns: appointment, arrival, muder, resignation, withdrawal Word Order & Information Structure 61

Biber et al. (1999: 304) Word Order & Information Structure 62 Biber et al. (1999: 304) Word Order & Information Structure 62

NA vs. AN in Spanish • Two types of adjectives: relational (geographic entity, ethnic NA vs. AN in Spanish • Two types of adjectives: relational (geographic entity, ethnic group, professional or scientific discipline, symbolic or philosophical movement) vs. qualifying (shape, space physical property) • • invasión americana, estractura molecular grandes edificios, ciertas fórmulas Relational confined to NA Qualifying more flexibility: NA & AN Word Order & Information Structure 63

NA vs. AN • • AN order is much more common in written discourse NA vs. AN • • AN order is much more common in written discourse (24%) than in spoken (5%) AN order has become less common over time • File Muriel (2006); fiction • • • 1648 1876 1886 1974 1981 1999 62. 9% 58% 55% 27% 24% AN AN AN Word Order & Information Structure 64

NA vs. AN • Variation in placemen in order • Contrast, emphasis • • NA vs. AN • Variation in placemen in order • Contrast, emphasis • • Change in meaning • • • vivos colores vivos el antiguo presidente vs. el president antiguo the former the very old Heaviness Word Order & Information Structure 65

Heaviness • • • Syllabic heaviness; if the adjective has fewer syllables than the Heaviness • • • Syllabic heaviness; if the adjective has fewer syllables than the noun, the adjective is preposed, if more, it is postposed File Muriel (2006: 211); preposed adjectives tend to be equal or lighter than the N 83. 8% overall and in written discourse and 100% in spoken discourse Relational adjectives tend to be heavier (in terms of number of syllables) than other types of adjectives Word Order & Information Structure 66

Relative heaviness • • • Mean nr syllables % preposed Relational 3. 93 0 Relative heaviness • • • Mean nr syllables % preposed Relational 3. 93 0 Evaluation 3. 55 46. 8 Personality 3. 5 18. 8 Modality 3. 25 30. 6 Temporal 3. 11 35. 7 Physical 2. 8 40. 0 Shape & space 2. 56 44. 2 * for evaluational 3. 18 for preposed, 3. 88 for postposed Word Order & Information Structure 67

Sequences of adjectives • Postposed • • • N relational > qualifying Una comedia Sequences of adjectives • Postposed • • • N relational > qualifying Una comedia musical americana divertida a comedy musical American amusing `an amusing American musical comedy’ Preposed qualifying + Postposed • Una divertida comedia musical americana a amusing comedy musical American `an amusing American musical comedy’ Word Order & Information Structure 68

Sequences of modifiers • Simple NPs • • Demonstrative, Numeral, Adjective & Noun Most Sequences of modifiers • Simple NPs • • Demonstrative, Numeral, Adjective & Noun Most common in Europe and the world • • Exclusive to Europe as a basic order • • Dem Num A N (English) Dem Num N A (Spanish) Complex NPs • • Dem Num A N Gen/Rel Dem Num N A Gen/ Rel English Spanish Word Order & Information Structure 69

Factors underlying word order • Information structure • • Linearizing constituents in a way Factors underlying word order • Information structure • • Linearizing constituents in a way which is most likely for the hearer to understand the communicative intention of the speaker Processing ease • Linearizing constituents in a way which will enable the hearer to process the utterance in the shortest possible time Word Order & Information Structure 70

Information Structure • Topic vs. Comment • A binary approach: topic: what the utterance Information Structure • Topic vs. Comment • A binary approach: topic: what the utterance is primarily about vs. comment: what is said about the topic • • • Who painted this picture? It was painted by Jasper. Non binary: what the utterance is primarily about (topic a relation between a discourse entity and a predication) vs. focus: the most important or salient piece of information in the utterance as assessed by the speaker Word Order & Information Structure 71

Topic vs. Focus a. b. Who painted this one? It was painted by Jasper Topic vs. Focus a. b. Who painted this one? It was painted by Jasper painted it. It was Jasper who painted it. Where are they from? France. c. What was it like? Dreadful. Word Order & Information Structure 72

Given vs. new information • • Given: assumed to be identifiable by the hearer Given vs. new information • • Given: assumed to be identifiable by the hearer New: assumed not to be identifiable by the hearer • Who painted this one? Jasper painted it. It was Jasper who painted it. Word Order & Information Structure 73

Levels of activation • • Active: currently in centre of consciousness: just mentioned, well Levels of activation • • Active: currently in centre of consciousness: just mentioned, well established 1. Okay, there's a farmer. 2. He looks like a Chicano American. 3. He is picking pears. (. . . ) 4. A little boy comes by on his bicycle. 5. He sees that there are baskets of pears there. 6. Meanwhile, there are three little boys, up on the road a little bit, 7. and they see this little accident Semi active: in a person's peripheral consciousness 8. And then he (i. e. the boy on the bicycle) goes off, 9. and that's the end of that story. 10. But then it goes back to the farmer. 11. Finally he comes down from his tree. 12. He looks at the baskets. Word Order & Information Structure 74

Levels of activiation • Inferrable: referents inferentially related to some evoked entity, or in Levels of activiation • Inferrable: referents inferentially related to some evoked entity, or in a salient set relation to such an entity. • • • It's a nice house, but the kitchen is too small. The team played quite well I suppose, but one or two of them are still a bit unfit. Inactive: currently in a person's long term memory Word Order & Information Structure 75

Word Order & Information Structure • Topic > comment unmarked • • Topic > Word Order & Information Structure • Topic > comment unmarked • • Topic > Focus unmarked • • Comment > Topic marked Focus > Topic marked Given > New unmarked • New > Given marked Word Order & Information Structure 76

Task Urgency: Givon (1988) • Attend first to the most urgent task, where a Task Urgency: Givon (1988) • Attend first to the most urgent task, where a communicative task is identified as more urgent if the information to be communicated is either less predictable or more important. • • • less predictable > more predictable more important > less important comment; comment > topic; topic > comment; topic Word Order & Information Structure 77

Who painted the picture? • • Jasper painted it. It was painted by Jasper. Who painted the picture? • • Jasper painted it. It was painted by Jasper. The picture, Jasper painted it. Word Order & Information Structure 78

WO type & IS • • Task Urgency is intended to hold for all WO type & IS • • Task Urgency is intended to hold for all languages subject to grammatical factors Significantly it is intended to hold for both • • Subject before object languages Object before subject languages • More important before less important Word Order & Information Structure 79

WO & IS in English & Spanish • • WO more grammaticalized in English WO & IS in English & Spanish • • WO more grammaticalized in English than in Spanish To what extent does wo reflect TU? Preposing of topical given information Postposing of new/focal information Word Order & Information Structure 80

Spanish main clause order • • OVS VOS VSO SV vs. VS Word Order Spanish main clause order • • OVS VOS VSO SV vs. VS Word Order & Information Structure 81

OVS without clitic doubling • OVS !Buen descanso ganó su pobre marido! good rest OVS without clitic doubling • OVS !Buen descanso ganó su pobre marido! good rest earned her poor husband. • OV s Alhajas, no tengo Jewels not have: 1 sg `Jewellery I don’t have. ’ Word Order & Information Structure 82

OVS with clitic doubling O cl V S El dinero lo puso Arturo, naturalmente OVS with clitic doubling O cl V S El dinero lo puso Arturo, naturalmente the money it put Arturo of course `The money, Arturo put it in , of course. ’ • O cl V s A Juan lo he visto en el supermercado • Obj Juan him have: 1 sg seen in the supermarket `Juan I saw in the supermarket. ’ Word Order & Information Structure 83

OVS • Without clitic doubling • Restricted to non specific • • • Typically OVS • Without clitic doubling • Restricted to non specific • • • Typically bare plurals Contrary to expectation; O new; initial peak pitch and an accent with a steep fall Focus fronting; O is new; the distance between highest and lowest pitch is smaller than in contrary to expectation Contrastive With clitic doubling • • Definite Old information, topical Word Order & Information Structure 84

VOS • Han recorrido el camino desde have travelled the road from reyes a VOS • Han recorrido el camino desde have travelled the road from reyes a mendigos, desde santos a kings to beggars from saints to seres normal people Word Order & Information Structure 85

VOS • Conduce la discusión Don conducts don the discussion Lauro Rovirosa, que tiene VOS • Conduce la discusión Don conducts don the discussion Lauro Rovirosa, que tiene L R who has… Word Order & Information Structure 86

VOS • Information structure • • O typically given S focal, new, often long VOS • Information structure • • O typically given S focal, new, often long Word Order & Information Structure 87

VSO • • • Conflicting claims Whitley (1986): S preferably indefinite Se ha comido VSO • • • Conflicting claims Whitley (1986): S preferably indefinite Se ha comido un niño la manzana * Se ha comido el niño la manzana Pinedo (1997) • • Short subject, human, animate, second argument clausal object or NP not amenable to passivization, e. g. second argument of verb “have” Frequent in indirect reported speech Word Order & Information Structure 88

VSO • • S: frequently main protagonist of a particular stretch of discourse, often VSO • • S: frequently main protagonist of a particular stretch of discourse, often of a whole text Pudo recordar la cantante su primera could remember the singer her first boda wedding Word Order & Information Structure 89

VSO • Tenía el racimo cinco grandes uvas had the bunch five big `The VSO • Tenía el racimo cinco grandes uvas had the bunch five big `The bunch had five big grapes. ’ • grapes Queriendo el hombre desplazarse wanted acaso perhaps the man travel para observar, al menos en un to observe principio, de dónde venia el viento y de dónde la lluvia…. Word Order & Information Structure 90

VSO • Information structure • • • S: given, activated, topical O: new, focal VSO • Information structure • • • S: given, activated, topical O: new, focal V: maybe new Word Order & Information Structure 91

OSV in English • Similar to Spanish OVS without clitic doubling • • O: OSV in English • Similar to Spanish OVS without clitic doubling • • O: Contrasitve O: Focal S: given information, de accented S: typically a personal pronoun Word Order & Information Structure 92

SV vs. VS in Spanish & English • • Postposing of new S Bare SV vs. VS in Spanish & English • • Postposing of new S Bare – no preverbal material Inversion – with preverbal material Existentials Word Order & Information Structure 93

Bare SV vs. VS • Spanish both SV & VS • Los niños sonrieron Bare SV vs. VS • Spanish both SV & VS • Los niños sonrieron `The children smiled. ’ • • Canta mi padre `My father sings. ’ English SV only (apart from stage presentations) • • A woman enters Enters an old woman Word Order & Information Structure 94

Preverbal S in Spanish • No bare plurals • Llegaron muebles arrived furniture `The Preverbal S in Spanish • No bare plurals • Llegaron muebles arrived furniture `The furniture arrived. ’ • *Muebles llegaron Word Order & Information Structure 95

Inversion XVS • Definiteness • • • Nature of verb • • • VS Inversion XVS • Definiteness • • • Nature of verb • • • VS in English are indefinite Spanish allows both definite & indefinite VS in English: low content, unaccuative verbs Spanish allows inversion with all sorts of verbs Information structure • VS typically is presentative Word Order & Information Structure 96

Indefinite S • En el vacío indoloro patino de pronto in the void painless Indefinite S • En el vacío indoloro patino de pronto in the void painless slid suddenly una voz gangosa, jadeante a voice twanging, painting `Into the painless void suddenly slid a panting, twanging voice Word Order & Information Structure 97

No definiteness constraint • XVS def A las cuatro viene la funeraria at four No definiteness constraint • XVS def A las cuatro viene la funeraria at four comes the undertaker `The undertaker is due at four. ’ En el patio ladra el perro in the yard barks the dog `The dog is barking in the yard. ’ Word Order & Information Structure 98

verbs • Cantaba un pajaro en el solitario corral singing a bird in the verbs • Cantaba un pajaro en el solitario corral singing a bird in the deserted threshold `A bird was singing in the deserted threshold. ’ *In the deserted threshold was a bird singing. ’ `In the deserted threshold there was a bird singing. ’ Word Order & Information Structure 99

English inversion • • Type of preposed complement Restrictions on use Word Order & English inversion • • Type of preposed complement Restrictions on use Word Order & Information Structure 100

Type of preposed complements • • PP • George can you do me a Type of preposed complements • • PP • George can you do me a favour. Up in my room, on the nightstand is a pinkish reddish envelope that has to go out immediately. Adj. P • Immediately recognisable here is the basic, profoundly false tenet of Movie Philosophy 101 Word Order & Information Structure 101

Type of preposed complement • • NP • She’s a nice woman, isn’t she. Type of preposed complement • • NP • She’s a nice woman, isn’t she. Also a nice woman is our next guest. Subjectless non finite clauses • Arrested were Nathan Johnson, 23 of New York and his brother, Victor Johnson, 32. Word Order & Information Structure 102

Condition 1 • • • The preposed phrase must not represent information that has Condition 1 • • • The preposed phrase must not represent information that has a lower level of activation in the discourse that represented by the postposed NP. *They have a whole bunch of pots in the kitchen, and in a great big tank are sitting all of the pots. They have a whole bunch of pots in the kitchen, and in the tank are sitting all of the pots. Word Order & Information Structure 103

Condition 2 • • • Unless the preposed dependent is semantically locative, the inversion Condition 2 • • • Unless the preposed dependent is semantically locative, the inversion requires an appropriate open proposition that is discourse old. *The Air & Water show did not go as planned yesterday. Wounded were Paul Randolph and Steve Seymour. Two young men were hurt yesterday during a bungled convenience store robbery. , according to police. Two suspects were arrested at the scene and are now in custody. Wounded were Paul Randolph and Steve Seymour. Word Order & Information Structure 104

Condition 3 • The verb must not represent information that is new to the Condition 3 • The verb must not represent information that is new to the discourse. • • The vast majority of inversion have ascriptive “be” Other verbs • • • He opened the door and took a folded canvas bucket from behind the seat. Coiled on the floor lay a fifty foot length of braided nylon. Beneath the chin lap of the helmet sprouted black whiskers. On the manager’s desk sat a large manila envelope. Word Order & Information Structure 105

Existentials • • English: there Spanish: haber & estar Word Order & Information Structure Existentials • • English: there Spanish: haber & estar Word Order & Information Structure 106

Haber & estar • Haber: indefinite S Hay un caballo en el jardin `There Haber & estar • Haber: indefinite S Hay un caballo en el jardin `There is a horse in the garden. ’ • Estar: definite S En el jardin esta el caballo. in the garden is the horse. ’ `The horse is in the garden. ’ Word Order & Information Structure 107

Existentials • • • Bare existentials • There was a power failure. • There Existentials • • • Bare existentials • There was a power failure. • There are many splendid things. Extended existentials • There’s a man knocking at the door. • There’s plenty of room on the top shelf Bare existentials do not and extended ones may have non there counterparts • #A power failure was • A man was knocking at the door Word Order & Information Structure 108

Exercise: existentials • Not all extended existentials have a non there counterpart. Determine which Exercise: existentials • Not all extended existentials have a non there counterpart. Determine which do and which do not. Word Order & Information Structure 109

Processing Ease • • • The Early Immediate Constituent (EIC) recognition principle (Hawkins 1994) Processing Ease • • • The Early Immediate Constituent (EIC) recognition principle (Hawkins 1994) A preference for linearization patterns which allow the quickest recognition of immediate constituents of syntactic groupings The EIC predicts that information about immediate constituency should be placed in the earlier rather than the latter part of a string Word Order & Information Structure 110

EIC a. I vp [introduced np [some friends that John brought to the party] EIC a. I vp [introduced np [some friends that John brought to the party] pp[to Mary]] b. I vp[introduced pp[to Mary] np[some friends that John brought to the party]] • VP = V NP PP vs. V PP NP Word Order & Information Structure 111

A preference for b) over a) • • in (a) since the NP is A preference for b) over a) • • in (a) since the NP is heavy the distance separating the first IC, the V from the word that constructs the last IC, the PP (the preposition “to”) is very long in (1 b) the distance between V and the word constructing the last IC of the VP, the NP (the word “some”) is much shorter thus all the ICs of the VP are more rapidly recognized in (b) than in (a) consequently there should be a preference for (b) over (a) Word Order & Information Structure 112

Word order & length & complexity • • • short > long less complex Word order & length & complexity • • • short > long less complex > more complex LIPOC (Dik 1978) • • Other things being equal, constituents prefer to be placed in an order of increasing complexity, where the complexity of constituents is defined as follows: (i) clitic < pronoun < noun phrase < adpositional phrase < subordinate clause; (ii) for any category X: X < X co X; (iii) for any categories X and Y: X < X [sub Y] Word Order & Information Structure 113

Wackernagel’s Law • the tendency for clitics to occur in second position in the Wackernagel’s Law • the tendency for clitics to occur in second position in the utterance, Slovene a. Pojavil se je problem. emerged refl be: prs: 3 sg problem `There emerged a problem. ' b. O e mu jo je dal. father he: dat it: acc be: prs: 3 sg given `Father gave/ has given it to him. ' Word Order & Information Structure 114

Earlier placement of pronominal objects • Spanish: clitic objects Vi a Juan saw: 1 Earlier placement of pronominal objects • Spanish: clitic objects Vi a Juan saw: 1 sg acc Juan `I saw Juan. ’ Lo vi. Word Order & Information Structure 115

Uzbeck • • Men un ga nlma ni berman. I him dat apple acc Uzbeck • • Men un ga nlma ni berman. I him dat apple acc give: fut `I'll give him the apple. ' Men u ni sen ga raman. I it acc you dat send: fut `I'll send it to you. ' Word Order & Information Structure 116

Heavy NP shift • • • NP PP NP The girl wore on her Heavy NP shift • • • NP PP NP The girl wore on her shoulders two large white wings decorated with almond shaped figures. Agile explained to us the various symbols. She revealed to him the true measurements of the temple of Solomon. I drew on the parquet the circle of defence Word Order & Information Structure 117

Final placement of sentential NPs • • That he is jealous is obvious. It Final placement of sentential NPs • • That he is jealous is obvious. It is obvious that he is jealous. Word Order & Information Structure 118

Extraposition from NP • • I met a man last night who reminded me Extraposition from NP • • I met a man last night who reminded me of you. Another book has just appeared about word order. Word Order & Information Structure 119

Adjectives with PP/S complements • • • paper yellow with age a man interested Adjectives with PP/S complements • • • paper yellow with age a man interested in music a people so independent that they reject help Word Order & Information Structure 120

Other • • • GN vs. NG in English AN vs. NA in Spanish Other • • • GN vs. NG in English AN vs. NA in Spanish Binominal expressions • • prim and proper; bag and baggage; death and destruction part and parcel; out and about Word Order & Information Structure 121

Back to the EIC • • Predictions regarding length and complexity are sensitive to Back to the EIC • • Predictions regarding length and complexity are sensitive to the basic word order of a language, whether it is basically OV or VO For relatively heavy categories such as sentential and NP complements the EIC predicts • • • short > long in VO languages but long > short in OV For single word categories short > long in all languages Word Order & Information Structure 122

long > short • Japanese a. [s 1[NPMary ga] VP[S[S 2 kinoo Mary to] long > short • Japanese a. [s 1[NPMary ga] VP[S[S 2 kinoo Mary to] it ta]] that said John ga kekkonsi ta] yesterday John married `Mary said that John got married yesterday’ b. s 2[S[S 1 Kinoo John ga kekkonsi ta] to] [it ta]] Word Order & Information Structure NP[Mary ga]VP 123

long > short • Hare [Mary Inuvik wheda] John yodihsho Mary Inuvik be: in long > short • Hare [Mary Inuvik wheda] John yodihsho Mary Inuvik be: in John knows `John knows that Mary is in Inuvik. ’ Word Order & Information Structure 124

EIC algorithm • • Processing ease is determined by counting the number of words EIC algorithm • • Processing ease is determined by counting the number of words required to recognize each immediate constituent, expressing this in the form of an IC to word ratio, converting this ratio to a percentage and finally averaging out all the percentages. As soon as all the ICs are encountered, the word count stops irrespective of how many words the last IC actually has. The higher the EIC ratio, the easier the given word order pattern is assumed to be for process ing. The EIC ratios depend on length (measured in number of words) and number of constituents within a particular constituent recognition domain Word Order & Information Structure 125

EIC word order predictions • Cross linguistic preferences: which word order patterns are preferred EIC word order predictions • Cross linguistic preferences: which word order patterns are preferred by grammars; which are the most frequent basic word order patterns (grammaticalization): • • • Preference for SOV vs. OSV Preference for SVO vs. OVS Language internal: which word order patterns are most frequent in texts and preferred by speakers in psycholinguistic experimentation (performance) Word Order & Information Structure 126

Cross linguistic • OV vs. VO & adpositions • • VO languages tend to Cross linguistic • OV vs. VO & adpositions • • VO languages tend to have prepositions OV languages tend to have postpositions however there are VO languages with postpositions and also much more rarely OV languages with prepositions Word Order & Information Structure 127

VO & post • Arawak Li fary fa aba kabadaro he kill fut one VO & post • Arawak Li fary fa aba kabadaro he kill fut one jaguar `He killed a jaguar. ’ Da dyka no hyala diako 1 sg see it bench on `I saw it on a bench. ’ Word Order & Information Structure 128

OV & Prep • Tigre Ana ? et ləhay may ? ət ta mahaze OV & Prep • Tigre Ana ? et ləhay may ? ət ta mahaze gale 1 sg in that water in the river something ? ərə? halle ko see be 1 sg `I see something in the water in the river. ’ Word Order & Information Structure 129

WALS Word Order & Information Structure 130 WALS Word Order & Information Structure 130

EIC ratios a. b. c. d. went to that film went that film to EIC ratios a. b. c. d. went to that film went that film to went to that film went EIC EIC Word Order & Information Structure ratio 77% 23% 93% 7% 131

Language internal • • Particle movement in English a. V NP particle = basic Language internal • • Particle movement in English a. V NP particle = basic b. V particle NP = transformed NP=1 word a. Joe looked Mary up. Basic = 51 b. Joe looked up Mary. Transformed = 3 Ratio of transformed 6% Word Order & Information Structure 132

Particle movement • • NP=2 words a. Joe looked the number up. Basic = Particle movement • • NP=2 words a. Joe looked the number up. Basic = 21 b. Joe looked up the number. Transformed = 45 Ratio of transformed 68% NP=3 words a. Joe looked the fax number up. Basic = 3 b. Joe looked up the fax number. Transformed = 13 Ratio of transformed 81% Word Order & Information Structure 133

Particle movement • • NP=4 words a. Joe looked the new fax number up. Particle movement • • NP=4 words a. Joe looked the new fax number up. Basic = 1 b. Joe looked up the new fax number. Transformed = 13 Ratio of transformed 93% NP=5 a. Joe looked his sister’s new fax number up. Basic = 0 b. Joe looked up his sister’s new fax number. Transformed= 29 Ratio of transformed = 100% Word Order & Information Structure 134

Back to transitive order • • Transitive order & EIC Data for Polish transitive Back to transitive order • • Transitive order & EIC Data for Polish transitive order • • No data for Spanish transitive order • • All six permutations of S, O, V SVO, VSO, VOS & OVS To what extent are the two languages similar? ? Word Order & Information Structure 135

Frequency of Tr orders in Polish • N =760 Expository prose & fiction SOV Frequency of Tr orders in Polish • N =760 Expository prose & fiction SOV 52 6. 8% SVO 331 43. 5% VSO 72 9. 4% VOS 109 14. 3% OVS 158 20. 7% OSV 38 5% Word Order & Information Structure 136

Polish vs. Spanish Polish SOV 52 SVO 331 VSO 72 VOS 109 OVS 158 Polish vs. Spanish Polish SOV 52 SVO 331 VSO 72 VOS 109 OVS 158 OSV 38 Spanish ? 47 21 17 Word Order & Information Structure 137

Length characteristics: nr of words • • Order SOV SVO VSO VOS OVS OSV Length characteristics: nr of words • • Order SOV SVO VSO VOS OVS OSV Intitial 1. 5 2. 5 Medial 1. 5 1. 1 1. 3 3. 0 3. 3 Word Order & Information Structure Final 3. 8 6. 1 5. 0 3. 7 1. 1 138

Length characteristics: nr of words • • Order SOV SVO VSO VOS OVS OSV Length characteristics: nr of words • • Order SOV SVO VSO VOS OVS OSV Intitial 1. 5 2. 5 Medial 1. 5 1. 1 1. 3 3. 0 3. 3 Word Order & Information Structure Final 3. 8 6. 1 5. 0 3. 7 1. 1 139

Polish & Spanish • • • VSO & VOS: similar to Polish OVS: not Polish & Spanish • • • VSO & VOS: similar to Polish OVS: not clear SVO: a range of pragmatic uses: similar Word Order & Information Structure 140

Average EIC rations • • • SVO – 90% SOV – 81% VSO – Average EIC rations • • • SVO – 90% SOV – 81% VSO – 86% VOS – 84% OVS – 76% 0 SV 69% Word Order & Information Structure 141

Interpretation • • processing underlies the preference for SVO order in Polish. the lower Interpretation • • processing underlies the preference for SVO order in Polish. the lower average EIC scores for the other transitive patterns suggest that it is not processing ease that motivates the choice of a non SVO pattern over an SVO one SOV, VSO and OSV always have lower EIC ratios than the corresponding SVO order would have had. OVS and VOS may score higher than SVO, but only when the subject is longer than the object and the object consists of a single word Word Order & Information Structure 142

EIC predicitions & Polish data • • • SVO order as the basic (grammaticalized) EIC predicitions & Polish data • • • SVO order as the basic (grammaticalized) order should be overall most preferred in terms of processing ease correct the non SVO orders should be resorted to only when the use of SVO order is not optimal for processing incorrect given the weight characteristics of the subject and object, the non SVO order chosen should be easier to process than the SVO alternative would be – incorrect In 79% of the cases), but Word Order & Information Structure 143

EIC predictions • • each of the transitive patterns tends to be favoured under EIC predictions • • each of the transitive patterns tends to be favoured under weight conditions which allow the given pattern to achieve higher rather than lower EIC ratios in all: it is not only the EIC that provides the motivation for word order variation in Polish Word Order & Information Structure 144

Polish data & pragmatic principles • More predictable > less predictable • • Predictability: Polish data & pragmatic principles • More predictable > less predictable • • Predictability: referential distance measured in terms of distance between current mention of referent and previous mention in terms of number of clauses (a bit simplistic) More important > less important • Importance: topic persistence; measured in terms of number of successive clauses following current clause featuring the referent (a bit simplistic) Word Order & Information Structure 145

Average Referential distance: nr clauses • • Order SOV SVO VSO VOS OVS OSV Average Referential distance: nr clauses • • Order SOV SVO VSO VOS OVS OSV Intitial 4. 6 7. 5 Medial 5. 3 3. 4 7. 0 Final 13. 3 16. 8 16. 7 14. 5 6. 3 Word Order & Information Structure 146

Average Topic persistence: in nr clauses • • Order SOV SVO VSO VOS OVS Average Topic persistence: in nr clauses • • Order SOV SVO VSO VOS OVS OSV Intitial 1. 69 1. 02 Medial 0. 65 0. 56 0. 50 0. 49 0. 37 Final 0. 68 1. 11 0. 94 0. 88 0. 92 Word Order & Information Structure 147

More > less predictable Word Order & Information Structure 148 More > less predictable Word Order & Information Structure 148

Short> long Word Order & Information Structure 149 Short> long Word Order & Information Structure 149

Length vs pragmatics • • short/given > long/new short > long = 52%; more Length vs pragmatics • • short/given > long/new short > long = 52%; more predicable > less predictable 62% biggest differences: • • • OVS 49% contravene short > long; 10% contravene more predictable > less predictable; OSV 84% contravene short > long; 34% contravene more predictable > less predictable diverging predictions of short > long and more predictable > less predictable for 49% (372 clauses) of the cases in the corpus: pragmatic principle is correct in 48% (180/372), length in 28% (103/372) Word Order & Information Structure 150

Processing Ease vs. Pragmatics • • Both clearly relevant Which wins out? • • Processing Ease vs. Pragmatics • • Both clearly relevant Which wins out? • • • Text type Investigations of Polish word order on written texts (expository and fiction) Processing ease most evident in on line processing: spoken language Word Order & Information Structure 151

Back to Spanish • • • Spanish wo is less flexible than Polish The Back to Spanish • • • Spanish wo is less flexible than Polish The same principles seem to apply Conditions of use of VSO, VOS • • • TU EIC Major differences: Extensive case marking in Polish No clitic doubling in Polish Word Order & Information Structure 152

Summary • Spanish and English are SVO lgs • • Differences in wo flexibility Summary • Spanish and English are SVO lgs • • Differences in wo flexibility is attributable to agreement At the phrase level less differences • • • English: SV & VO Spanish: SV/VS & VO Spanish is slightly more HM than English Both lgs. reflect the TU and EIC Which is stronger? Word Order & Information Structure 153

References • • • Clements, J. C. (2006). Primary and Secondary object marking in References • • • Clements, J. C. (2006). Primary and Secondary object marking in Spanish. In , 115 133. Dryer, M. 1991. "The Greenbergian word order correlations". Language 68, 81 138. File Muriel, R. J. (2006). Spanish adjective position: differences between written and spoken discourse, 203 218. Garcia Miguel J. M. (1995). Transitividad y complementacion preposicional en español. Universudad de Santiago de Compostela (verba, anexo 40). Givón, Talmy (ed. ), (1983). Topic continuity in discourse. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Greenberg, Joseph. (1963): Some universals of grammar with particular reference to the order of meanigful elements. in: Greenberg, Joseph (ed. ), Universals of Human Language, 73 113, Cambridge: MIT Press. Word Order & Information Structure 154

References • • Greenberg, Joseph. (1963): Some universals of grammar with particular reference to References • • Greenberg, Joseph. (1963): Some universals of grammar with particular reference to the order of meanigful elements. in: Greenberg, Joseph (ed. ), Universals of Human Language, 73 113, Cambridge: MIT Press. Hawkins, J. A. (1994). A performance theory of order and constiuency. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Myhill, J. (1992). Typological Disocurse Analysis. Oxford: Blackwell. Ocampo, F. 1995. The word order of two constituent constructions in spoken Spanish. In: P. Downing & M. Noonan (eds. ), Word Order in Discourse. Amsterdam : John Benjamins, 425 448. Word Order & Information Structure 155

References • • • Siewierska, A. (1988). Word Order Rules. London: Croom Helm. Siewierska, References • • • Siewierska, A. (1988). Word Order Rules. London: Croom Helm. Siewierska, A. (1993). Syntactic weight vs pragmatic factors and word order variation in Polish. Journal of Linguistics. Siewierska, Anna (ed. ), (1997). Constituent Order in the Languages of Europe. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Word Order & Information Structure 156