A Dybo Once more about language contacts in

A. Dybo Once more about language contacts in Middle Age Xinjiang

The vocabulary of Turkic languages recorded in the dictionary of Mahmud al-Kashgari comprises a significant number of loanwords. Many of these words are present in all standart Turkic languages. Some of these words, however, do not occur anywhere in the further course, only in the monuments associated with the Karakhanid tradition, sometimes also in Old Uyghur monuments and in the modern Turkic languages spoken on the territory of Xinjiang. Such words are apparently local borrowings, geographically restricted to the territory of Xinjiang and close areas. At the same time we can find a number of Turkic loanwords in medieval Indo-European languages of Xinjiang. We know that these languages disappeared in the time close to the time of compiling of MK dictionary, so we can expect to see in this situation of the inter-language borrowing some features of language shift.

• Literature • Aalto, P. Iranian Contacts of the Turks in Pre-Islamic Times. Studia Turcica. pp. 29 -37. Budapest: Akademiai Kiado, 1971. • Benveniste E. Mots voyageurs en Asie Central // JA. CCXXXVI. 1948. Fasc. 2. • Дыбо А. В. Монголизмы у Махмуда Кашгарского? // Altaica X. ИВ РАН. – М. , 2005. – С. 51 -60 • Дыбо А. В. Тюркско-тохарская контактная лексика // Аспекты алтайского языкознания. – М. , 2007 (a). – С. 80 -108. • Dybo A. V. Turco-Tocharica and Turco-Sakica Renewed // Proceedings of the 45 th Meeting of the PIAC (Budapest, 2002). – Budapest, 2003. • Eker S. Divanu Lugâti't-Türk ve Iran Dillerinden Kopyalar Uzerine I / International Journal of Central Asian Studies V. 13, 2009. Pp. 233 -283. • Rybatzki, V. Mongolische Lehnwörter bei Mahmud al-Kašgari? Türk Dilleri Araştirmalari Dizisi : 63. İstanbul 2011. SS. 367 -380. • Tekin 1997 — Tekin T. Notes on some Chinese loanwords in Old Turkic // Türk dilleri araştırmaları. – Ankara, 1997. 165 -173. • Tezcan 1997 — Tezcan S. Additional Iranian loanwords in early Turkic languages // Türk dilleri araştırmaları. – Ankara, 1997. 157 -164. • Zieme P. Indische Wörter in nichtbuddhistischen alttürkischen Texten. // Indien und Zentralasien. Sprach- und Kulturkontakt. Wiesbaden 2003, 153 -163. • Zieme P. Maḥmūd Al-Kāšγarī‟s Dīvān Luγāt-it-Türk and Foreign Elements. // Türk Dilleri Araştırmaları Dizisi: 63. . İstanbul 2011. SS. 23 -32.

• I. Chinese loanwords • Names of clothes • 1. čıxansı MK ‘embroidered Chinese silk‘. Chn. 繡 xiù, MChn. sjə w ‘embroidery’ + Chn. 漢 hàn, MChn. xâ n ‘China’ + Chn. 絲 sī, MChn. sji ‘silk’. (= Chn. 繡 漢絲 ‘embroidered Chinese silk‘). • Or (G. Clauson) 絺 chi MChn ṭhi embroidered cloth (= Chn. 絺漢絲 ‘Chinese silk linen’). • 1 а Or (P. Zieme) čin xası, čin 'Chinese' + xası < MChn 緙 絲 khʌj sjɨ < Skt. Kāśi The scheme of P. Zieme : Chn. kesi | Skt. Kāśi -> Prs. kaz, gaz -> Krh. Kez | Arb. ḳazz

Our scheme: Skt. Kāśi -> MChn khʌj sjɨ -> OT xasy -> Prs. xazz/ xaz | Arb. ḳazz ->Prs. kaz, gaz | Krh. Kez • 2. xulıŋ MK ‘variegated silk cloth imported from China‘. Chin. 華 huá, MChn. xwá ‘flower; variegated’ or 畫 huà , MChn. ɣwä ‘picture’ + Chn. 綾 líng, MChn. lieŋ ‘patterned silk’ P. Zieme: 胡綾 (胡 hú, MChn. ɣo ‘northern barbarians’)

• 3. loxtay ‘red Chinese brokade decorated by golden coins'. ? Chn. 絡 luò, MChn lâk 'silk thread; cord' + Chn. 帶 dài, MChn. tâ j ‘waistband'. P. Zieme: 鹿胎 lutai, with 鹿 lù, MChn luk ‘deer (Cervus sika)’. Chn. 鹿胎 ‘deer placenta’, earlier ‘musc’. Apparently listed among precious things (clothes? ) in Tang and post. Tang texts • Measure name: • 1. *čig ‘Chinese foot, ~ 33 sm’: Uig II, Suv. МК; a new loan — NUig. či ’ 10 thumbs’. Chn. 尺 chĭ, MChn. ćhek ‘foot'.

• Food etc. : • 1. lav MK ‘wax'. Chn. 蠟 là, MChn. lâp ‘wax'. • 2. liv TT VII, USp. , MK, QB ‘a k. of food’. Chn. 粒 lì, MChn. lip ‘rice as food'. • 3. mınγuj MK 'flour paste'; Late. OUig. men ‘flour' (USp. , H I, ), SUig. men id. Chn. 麵 miàn, MChn. mìen ‘flour, paste’ + Chn. 糊 hu, MChn. γo ‘flour paste’. • 4. limken MK ‘yellow plum'. Chn. 林 lín, MChn. lim ‘forest' + Chn. 檎 qín, MChn. gim ‘a k. of plum'. Cf. : 林 檎 'Malus prunifolia'. • Kinship term: • 1. küküj MK ‘mother’s sister'. Chn. 姑 gū, MChn. kō ‘father’s sister' + Chn. 舅 jiù, MChn. gə w ‘mother’s brother'. Cf. : 姑舅 ‘cousins'.

• II. Sogdian loanwords • Agriculture : • 1. tarqa, talqa ‘unripen (fruit)' МК, = Pers. talx ‘bitter’. Cf. OUig. tarqa, terke 'acute (pain)’ < Sogd. trγ [tarγ] 'sharp, hard, fierce', Av. tiγra ‘sharp, bitter', Kh. S. ttira- ‘bitter'. • 2. borduz ‘vegetable garden' МК < Sogd. p'rdyz ‘garden' [pārdez] (Av. pari-daeza, Pers. pāliz > arb. fāliz; Tadzh. полиз ‘garden'. • 3. baδič ‘vine prop' MK. Cf. Pers. wāyic, Tadzh. wo'iš id. , from unattested Sogd. *wāδic < Av. vaetay- ‘vine'. • 4. kenbe ‘a plant name' MK (Gancak). Cf. Sogd. kynp' [kenbā] ‘hemp'. • 5. zargunčmud ‘a k. of basil' MK. < Sogd. zrγwnč ‘green' + mwrt' ‘myrtle'. • 6. čat ‘spring' MK. < Sogd. č't [čat] ‘spring'. • 7. bečküm ‘threshold, porch' MK. < Sogd. ptšknp [patškanp] ‘porch ‘ < Av. fraskəmba ‘beam, porch'. Pers. bačkam (< Turk. ? ), paškam ‘summer house', is also from Sogd.

• Property relations • 1. maraz ‘wage worker' MK, < Sogd. marāz. • 2. OUig. (Uig I), Krh. ertüt (MK, QB, Atebet) ‘gift'. < Sogd. r't [rat] ‘gift': Pl. *ratut (< PIr *rā-, Av. rāti, rāta). • Other words: • 1. OUig. suburgan ‘tomb’, Krh. suburgan ‘tomb, burrow' < Sogd. *zamarγān. • 2. OUig. didim ‘crown', крх. didim ‘bride garland' МК. OUig. borrowed in WMong. tidim, Khalkha titem ‘crown’. < Sogd. δyδm < Greek. διαδήμα. • 3. ? OUig. , Krh (МК, QB), Xorezm Turk. šük ‘hush!', NUig. šük (šük oltar! '). < Sogd. šwk ‘silent, quiet'.

• III. NPers (Tadzh. ? ) loanword: • 1. merdek МК ‘bear cub, piglet' < Pers. mardak dimin. from ‘man', Tadzh. ‘male’. • IV. New Indian (Indo-Arian) loanwords. • 1. Krh. tarmaz, turmuz ‘cucumber', Pers. tarbuz ‘melone’, << Skt. trapusa, trapuṣa ' cucumber ' < *trpra- 'salzig, scharf' > Pkt. taüsa- n. , Marathi tavśe n. 'Cucumis sativus'; A «bazaar» loanword from a NInd language of NW group, as Lahnda, (along the tr-reflexation). Cf. Kir. darbyz; Uz. tarvuz, NUig. ta(r)vuz ‘water melone’: < Pers. , or < Mong. ‘water melone’ (Khalkha tarvas, Kalm. tarvas [tarvəs]), Mong. < Pers. • 2. Krh. bibli ‘long pepper' МК. Skt. pīppalī ' long pepper '. Krh. From a NInd. language alike WPah pippli, Hindi piplī 'a kind of long pepper'.

• V. Khotan Saka loanwords • 1. ? irvi MK ‘Indian remedy' < HS. irhva ‘citrone' (or Skt. revā 'indigo plant' through unattested Tokharian? ) • 2. bat MK ‘must' < HS. bāta- ‘must'. • 3. čo/uvy MK ‘a title given to a man who is two steps below the xaqan in Xotan, = Turk yabgu' < HS. ṣṣau, Pl. śśuvanä: ‘title. related to rrund- ‘king' like Mycenian. basileus to wanax'. • 4. čowač MK ‘royal parasol' < HS. śāhauca ‘parasol'. • 5. čavcu MK ‘tree with red trunk and branches and bitter red berries' < HS. śauve- ‘a k. of jujube'. • 6. čeg MK ‘stripped cotton linen‘ < HS. caiha ‘a piece of linen'. • 7. čür MK ‘fortune', čürle- ‘make profit ‘ < HS. śärā, śirā ‘goods, prosperity', Acc. Sg. śśuru, śuru. • 8. čer MK ‘time, date' < HS. tcīra ‘time’, draitcīra ' 3 times'.

• 9. čurām MK ‘a shot with a light arrow', čurām oki ‘such arrow' < HS. cūḍāṃ ‘long measure, stadium'. • 10. kowuč, kowuz MK ‘the symptoms of demonical posession‘ < HS. kauce ‘obscuration, sin'. • 11. kasy MK ‘wooden sheep pen ‘ < HS. kāysū ‘hut'. • 12. kebez ‘cotton seed' (Late. OUig. , МК, NUig. , SUig. , Uz. ) < HS. kapā-ysa- 'cotton wool'. • 13. kevel Late. OUig, kevel at MK, QB ‘purebred, swift horse' < HS. kabä ‘race horse’ + -la, -laka HS. Dimin. suff. • 14. kestem MK ‘night entertainment with drinks' < HS. khäṣṭa ‘drunken', *khäṣṭam ‘intended for drinking'. • 15. suma MK ‘sprouting wheat or barley intended for beer making’ < HS suma ‘malt, crushed grain'. • 16. tim MK ‘a skin filled with wine‘ < HS. ttanä ‘skin', ttin˜a ‘in skin'.

• 17. toηa OUig. ‘hero'; ‘a p. of proper names’, Enis. (E-149) Toηa külig tarqan beg proper name; MK toηa “first ‘tiger'; later ‘hero' "; QB toηa ‘hero', IM ‘stout’. < HS ttuṃna 'strong, stout'. • 18. kemišge ‘embroidered Kashgar felt ‘< HS. kamaiṣkä ‘a k. of embroidered cover'. • 19. (? ) bečkem МК ‘a badge, that is a piece of silk or the tail of wild ox that warriors wear as a badge on the day of battle' < HS. baicakama ‘horse or yak tail', Wakhi bičkam. • 20. zaranza ‘saffron‘ МК < HS ysaraṃjsa ‘saffron'.

• VI. Tokharian B loanwords • 1. oxaq MK ‘the juice of split apricot used as a beverage ‘< Tokh. A, B oko ‘fruit'; • 2. čanač MK ‘effeminate and cowardly person', čanačlik ‘effeminacy', čanačla- ‘to attribute effeminacy' – cf. Tokh. A śna-s i adj. posess. 'femininus', from śäm ‘woman', Tokh. B śana; • 3. ? čömerük kiši MK ‘a man with watery eyes' – Tokh. A, B tsem 'caerulius', A tsem -yok 'coloris caerulei', tsem-yokān aśäm 'caerulei oculi‘ < MChn, 青 chieng ‘blue'. • 4. bere, a translation of Skt. yojana, Chn. li, ‘stadium', OUig. . Cf. Tokh. А pärra-krase ‘arrow flight distance', Tokh. A pär, B prere ‘arrow'. • 5. lešp ‘sniffles': OUig. (medical texts), MK < Tokh. А, B leśp id. < Pkt. ; • 6. karšy ‘king palace': Late. OUig. , MK, QB, Chag. , Xorezm Turk. < Tokh. B kercci.

• 7. (? ) ermeli MK ‘swift horse': cf. Tokh. B ramer ‘swiftly'. • 8. madar: OUig. ‘monster' < Tokh. B mātar ‘monster' or HS. mādara-. < BHS makara. • 9. nāg МК ‘crocodile; cyclical sign‘< Tokh. В nāk, nāke ‘snake as cyclical sign'. • 10. banyt ‘treacle', Late. OUig. < Tokh. B panit (n. ) id. < BHS phāṇita-. • 11. sabarir 'mountain crystal' Suv. , Hüen < Tokh. В spharir < BHS sphaṭi-. • 12. ? Late. OUig. künčit ‘sesame', MUig IM küncid jaγ ‘sesame oil‘ < Tokh. B kun cit, Tokh. A kun cit, < HS. kumjsata- ([kundzat]).

• VII. Turkic borrowings in Khotan Saka • 1. HS yaragaka ‘skin, four coat' < Tu *jarkak, MK yargak id. • 2. HS. yaḷama ‘cloak' < Tu. *jalma, MK yalma id. • 3. HS. tadrrvā ‘a k. of leather product' < Tu. tatyrga MK ‘white tanned skin' • 4. HS. śīgä ‘a measure related to ox skins' < Tu čig < Chn. • 5. HS. śimuṣai ‘spoon', like NPers. čamčah ‘wooden scoop ‘ < Tu. *čöm-če ‘scoop', MK čömče (Og. ). • 6. HS. ālaṣka-, -ṣta- ‘settlement' < Tu. *alaču-k ‘hut, small yurt': OUig. alaču; Krh. alaču (МК). • 7. HS. yola- ‘falsehood' < Tu. *jala, МК yala ‘calumny'

• [Tokharian > Saka: • 1. HS. puka ‘cubit ‘ < Tokh. A poke, B pokai ‘forearm, cubit'. • 2. HS. krŋgga ‘cock' < Tokh. B kranko ‘chicken'. • Saka > Tokharian • About 100 words in the Adams’s dictionary • Turkic > Tokharian: names, titles, placenames, ware names] • VIII Turkic loanwords in Tokharian В • A) a number of Turkic (Uigur) names and titles, e. g. , ārslām ‘Arslan', ālp, er, el, tārhkān.

• B) Turkic loans in Tokh. B, after its division from Tokh. А. • 1. Tokh. B iprer, eprer (>A eprer) ‘sky, air, firmament' < Tu. *ebren ‘dome, firmament, sky' > MK evren ‘dome', QB evren ‘sky, firmament ‘. • 2. Tokh. B kwas o ‘village' < Tu. *kol' > *koš ‘hut, settlement': Krh. qoš. • 3. Tokh. B teri, tiri (> A tiri) 'way, manner‘). Cf. Tu *dür ‘kind, forme, sort ‘, OTu, Krh. törlüg (MK, KB), • 4. Tokh. В col ‘wild'. Cf. Tu. *čöl ‘steppe, desert’ (Orkh. čölig ‘a bsh. , Sangl. ). • 5. Tokh. B yase ‘shame’ : Tu. *jās ‘loss, harm, shame’ (OUig. jas ‘loss, harm’, Yak. sāt ‘shame’ etc. ).

• 6. Tokh. B kärk- ‘to rob’ (denom. verb): Tu *Karak ‘robber’ (OUig. qaraq-či). • 7. (? ) Tokh. B kakwār ‘a k. of food' = Tu. *kagur- ‘to roast', *kagur-ma, *kagur-dak; • 8. (? ) Tokh. B miye ‘a remedy plant‘. Tu. *byńan 'licorice‘, Chag. bijan. • 9. (? ) Tokh. B pale ‘a k/ of house servant‘. Tu. *bāla ‘child'. • 10. (? ) Tokh. В kotstse ‘a species of bird’. OТ *güči-ken ‘eagle’: MKypch. küčigen. • 11. (? ) Tokh. B cat (n. ) ‘something venomous and stinging. Cf. Tu. *čAd-an ‘scorpion’: Krh. čaδan (MK, QB, IM). • + some grammatical features

• VIII. Middle Mongolian loanwords by MK • 1. kirdeš ‘a neighbour wholives with you in the same house' МК – Mong. *ger ‘house' (+ Tu. –daš) • 2. alučyn ‘edible plant with knotted stalk' МК – Mong. *alčaŋga 'сусак‘ • 3. uγly ‘parsnip, a sweet-flavoured white root-vegetable grown in Kashgar' МК – Mong. *ug ‘root ‘ (+ Tu. -ly). • (Süer Eker: HS hauga ‘a plant name’) • 4. čybyqan ‘a jujube fruit' МК, NUig čubaqan < Mong. *čibaga “jujube, oleaster “ (V. Rybatzki suggests a reverse borrowing, but the word has a strict areal in Turkic and is well-represented in Mongolian).

5. ulā ‘barrow or mountain what serves as a landmark in desert', ulā bolsa yol azmas ‘if ula exists, the way is not lost' Gitude in МК – Mong. *aγula > uula ‘mountain'. (V. Rybatzki criticises this etymology for incongruence of long vowels in Tu. and Mong. forms, but: a) the final longitude in MK is rather graphical (Dankow and Kelly 1, 68); b) the first VGV-combination could be contracted in the MMo time, cf. the situation in Xianbi and Kitan; - and the propre sounding of contracted vowel in the source language is unclear, cf. Chinese transcriptions of Kitan: from one part c. i. is ‘blood’ Kane 90 (čisun), eu. ul ‘cloud’ (ewulen), from other part, êm. a Kane 89, ‘mountain goat’ (imaγa, ямаа), shao. wa 潲瓦’eagle’ (sibaγun, шувуу)

Rybatzki (2011) proposes some prey bird names as Mongolian loans in MK: Krh. МК, MKypch. (Ettuhf. etc. ) turuntaj, Chag. (Pav. C. 382) turumtaj, NUig. turumtaj, Uz. turumtɔj, Tatar torymtaj, Bash. toromtaj, Nog. , Kaz. turymtaj, KKalp. turumtaj, Kirg. turumtaj, Kypch. > Hung. torontály 'a k. of falcon' (since 1234). < Mong. : MMo turimtai SH, turimtai 'kite male' (Hua-i), WMo. turumtai, Khalkha turumtaj 'кобчик', Kalm. turmtǟ 'мелкий сокол'. OUig. syŋqur (personal name), МК suŋqur ‘a k. of falcon’, CC soŋur > Hung. szongor ‘a k. of falcon’ (since 1395), etc. Since MK and later evidently is borrowed from Mong. *šiŋqur > šoŋqor.

Krh. lačïn 'a k. of falcon': everywhere in Turkic (since Orkhon) and only in Northern Mongolian; a Wanderwort of unclear origin. Krh. qïrγuy 'hawk' – despite Rybatzki, from PTu *Kïrkuj 'hawk, falcon', Chuv. xərxi, Yak. kïrbïj, Trkm. Gïrγï; Dan. Bulgarian > SSlav. , WSlav. *kargujь 'hawk, falcon' > OCh. Sl, Ch. Sl крагуи, Bulg. крагуй, SCr. крагуj, Slov. kragulj, Czech krahujec, krahulec, Pol. krogulec, HSorb. kraholc (< Czech), Ukr. крогулець (< Pol. ). Dan. Bulg. > Hung. karvaly. In Mong. the word is not present in Kukunor group.

So, the lexical borrowings show more or less clearly local influence (of sub/super/adstrate way): from Sogdian, Saka and Tokharian to Turkic, from Saka to Tokharian, from Turkic to Tokharian and sometimes from Mongolian to Turkic. The influence of Chinese and Indo-Arian to Turkic remains mostly in trade realm. The influence of Turkic to Saka and Sogdian (attested earlier than MK) appears to be limited by trade and political realms.